WHEN
Allied forces made their famous declaration in October 1943
that they would hunt down and hold to account all Nazi war
criminals, they vowed no corner of the world would be remote
enough to hide in.
But many Nazis weren’t even forced to hide in notorious
hideaways such as Argentina and Brazil. They found their
homes in London, New York, Sydney and Melbourne, to name
just a few. The very countries that had sacrificed their
soldiers to defeat the Nazis’ tyranny sheltered Nazi
war criminals with an averted gaze.
Mark Aarons is one of Australia’s pre-eminent authorities
on Nazi war criminals whose 1986 radio documentary, Nazis
in Australia, prompted the Hawke Government to launch an
inquiry which led to the establishment of the Special Investigations
Unit (SIU) in 1988.
He is also the author of Sanctuary! Nazi Fugitives in Australia
(1989) and War Criminals Welcome (2001), both of which explore
Australia’s history as a safe haven for Nazi criminals.
“ These were people who fought vigorously against
our troops, who fought against all the principles we stood
for, and along the way committed some of the most heinous
crimes against humanity in history,” he says.
“Justice, as well as morality, dictates that there
should be no lapse of time capable of erasing their crimes
or erasing the responsibility of authorities to bring action
against them.”
The Simon Wiesenthal Centre, whose mission is to track down
Nazi war criminals and bring them to trial, has identified
485 war criminals who settled in Australia. It has written
to the Federal Government regarding each of these cases,
but so far Australia has never extradited a single suspected
war criminal — despite the SIU’s five-year, $15-million
operation.
According to Aarons, “Federal governments from day
one of the Nazi scandal in Australia have been dragging their
feet. From 1947 when the first Nazis arrived here, all the
way through to the present, they have wanted this issue to
go away... they don’t care if the epitaph that’s
written on the Third Reich is that the last Nazi died peacefully
in his bed in Australia.”
In many cases, that has already happened. It’s now
60 years since the Holocaust ended and the opportunities
for Australian governments to help bring Nazi war criminals
to justice are quickly expiring.
But right now, Federal Justice Minister Chris Ellison has
on his desk a request from the Hungarian Government to extradite
a man alleged to have bashed a young Jew to death at the
end of World War II.
Perth resident Charles Zentai, 83, is accused of the vigilante-style
murder of an 18-year-old Jew, Peter Balasz, in Budapest in
1944. Two others were convicted for their part in the murder
after the end of the war, but Zentai escaped to Australia
where he has lived ever since.
“The government’s obligations are absolutely
crystal clear, both in international law, Australian law,
and in morality,” Aarons says. “They must investigate
the allegation, establish whether or not there is evidence
to support the claim and, if there is, take the most appropriate
form of legal sanction, whether it be putting [Zentai] in
front of an Australian court or extraditing him. The easiest
but minimum option is to deport him.
“We need to send a message around the world that Australia
is not an easy cop, we’re not a land that, when we
discover mass murderers living amongst us, shrugs its shoulders
and says, ‘Oh well, that happened a long time ago,
let’s turn our backs on those tragic events and get
on with our lives and allow mass murderers to get on with
theirs”, Aarons says.
“I think we need to send a message that every single
murderer who settles here is going to be hounded and is going
to be subject to the most stringent investigation and legal
processes, otherwise they’re going to keep flocking
here.
“Australia, because it is the only western nation
which has refused repeatedly to take any organised ongoing
sanction against these people, has turned itself into something
of a safe haven for people from all civil and military conflicts
who commit crimes against humanity. They see Australia as
an easy place to settle down in, where you can safely avoid
major legal repercussions for your actions.”
Aarons says postwar Australian governments knowingly accepted
Nazi war criminals into the country. “The very first
ship that brought displaced persons under the displaced persons
scheme contained a significant number of people from the
Baltic countries who, it was revealed, had fought or served
in the SS. The then security service investigated and the
file eventually made its way onto the immigration minister’s
desk, Arthur Calwell, who shut the whole thing down and told
them to stop investigating and that it was an immigration
issue, not a security matter.
“That really set the tone,” he says, “the
first minister, the first ship, the first Nazis, and he turned
a blind eye, knowing that the consequences, and I don’t
think there can be any doubt about this, would be a significant
movement of ex-Nazis and Nazi collaborators into Australia.
“By comparison, the rules that applied for Jewish
refugees were extremely harsh... The number of Jews arriving
on any ship was restricted to quite a small percentage of
the total passenger list, which meant you couldn’t
get large-scale Jewish migration. It meant in many instances
that Jewish refugees actually found themselves on the same
ships as their former persecutors. There were many people
who actually identified an SS guard or a Nazi official who
had been responsible in their region for carrying out the
Holocaust on the same ship.”
IT is now widely known that British and United States intelligence
services actively recruited former Nazis to aide their anti-communist
operations. Aarons says some of these recruits were subsequently
handed on to Australian authorities and settled here.
“You can trace their war crimes, you can trace their
recruitment by US intelligence, you can trace their illegal
immigration into Australia, and then you can trace it all
the way through to them going onto the payroll of ASIO once
they arrived in Australia... The purpose being that they
would help ASIO in anti-communist operations, both in the
domestic hunt for communist agents, but also in the procurement
of international intelligence — particularly of intelligence
from behind the Iron Curtain. These people had a range of
family and political contacts still living under communism
and were thereby seen to be quite capable gatherers of intelligence.”
Australia has welcomed other war criminals to its shores,
even since the last World War II criminals arrived, Aarons
claims. He says similar black marks on the immigration record
occurred throughout the 1980s and 1990s when former Afghan
communists were recruited by Australian intelligence agencies
and brought into the country.
In the 1970s Khmer Rouge members were allowed in and even
now there are calls for the Federal Government to investigate
claims Rwandan Hutus who participated in the Tutsi genocide
of the 1990’s have settled in Australia.
“The parallels and the way in which history continues
to repeat itself are very, very stark,” Aarons says. “[There
is] official indifference at senior government levels, [and]
active recruitment and use of war criminals by our security
services.”
Aarons says, regardless of the fact Zentai is alleged to
have committed his crime 61 years ago, it is the government’s
unequivocal obligation to fully investigate and act on any
allegations it receives.
“It’s a question of adopting a principled stand
that where allegations of a serious crime are leveled against
an Australian resident or citizen, no matter how ancient
they may be, that proper processes are put in place to deal
with them. It’s a simple matter of justice. There’s
a claim of a crime and you can’t just let it somehow
fade into the distance.”
Australian
Jewish News, May 27, 2005
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