THE PICTURE of an old man opening his front door wearing only his underwear
and socks would have been pathetic, had it not been for his
identity. For the person captured on camera in Budapest last
month by journalists from the British tabloid daily The Sun
was László Csatáry, listed by the Simon Wiesenthal Center
(SWC) as the world’s most-wanted surviving Nazi war criminal.
The British journalists tracked down the 97-year-old former policeman, who is
alleged to have been responsible for the deportation of approximately
16,000 Jews from Košice during World War II, in a flat in
an upmarket district of Budapest on July 15. For most of
the war, Košice – then known as Kassa – was under Nazi-allied
Hungarian control, following its annexation from Czechoslovakia
in 1938. Police detained Csatáry on July 18 and later that
day the Buda Central District Court of Justice placed him
under home detention, the TASR newswire reported.
Csatáry now faces prosecution by Hungarian
authorities based on a lawsuit submitted by the SWC in September
2011. However, Slovak authorities have already become involved
in the case, saying that Hungary should extradite him to
Slovakia.
“We understand that regarding the
big time interval [between the crimes being committed and
Csatáry’s arrest] we face one of the last chances to punish
war crimes from the Second World War,” Justice Minister Tomáš
Borec told a press conference on July 30, as quoted by the
SITA newswire.
He added that he had already sent
the necessary documents to the district court in Košice requesting
that they deal with the case using an accelerated procedure.
Meanwhile, the district prosecutor’s
office in Košice has received a criminal complaint about
Csatáry from a local resident whose father he allegedly sent
to a concentration camp in Germany, the Sme daily wrote on
August 2. Based on this complaint it is very likely that
a prosecution will also be launched in Slovakia.
However, Efraim Zuroff, a director
of the Simon Wiesenthal Center office in Jerusalem, said
that it would be better if the trial took place in Hungary
since Csatáry “committed the crimes in the name of Hungarian
government”.
“The question is: who needs the lesson?,”
Zuroff told The Slovak Spectator. “And the people who need
the lesson are the people in Hungary.”
Csatáry’s crimes
Csatáry was born in 1915 in the Hungarian
village of Mány, near Budapest. During World War II he served
as a senior police official in Kassa, from where he organised
the deportations of approximately 300 Jews to their deaths
in Kamyanets-Podilsky, in present-day Ukraine, in 1941, and
another 15,700 Jews to the Auschwitz extermination camp in
German-occupied Poland.
Though he escaped after the war, he
was tried in absentia in 1948 in Košice, which had by then
been returned to Czechoslovakia. Several victims described
Csatáry as a cruel sadist who enjoyed torturing Jews as well
as pro-democratic inhabitants of Košice who criticised the
Nazi regime, Košický Večer, a supplement to the Korzár daily,
wrote.
In addition, Csatáry was blamed for
deaths of several Košice residents who were shot shortly
before the town was liberated by the Soviet Red Army.
Csatáry was convicted of war crimes
and sentenced to death and confiscation of his personal property.
After the war, Csatáry spent more
than 50 years in Canada under an assumed identity, where
he worked as an art dealer. However, authorities there discovered
his true identity in 1995 and launched an investigation.
As part of this they visited Slovakia’s archives in order
to search for the relevant documentation. In 1997 Csatáry
fled Canada and moved to Hungary, where he hid successfully
for 15 years.
One reason that Csatáry succeeded
in escaping justice for such a long time could be the fact
that at the end of the war the victorious nations focused
on detaining the political, financial and security elites
of Nazi Germany and its allies and paid less attention to
“small fry” such as Csatáry, Ivan Kamenec from the History
Department of the Slovak Academy of Sciences (SAV) told The
Slovak Spectator.
As well as this, Csatáry escaped just
as the Cold War was beginning, so he could claim that he
was fleeing a new, communist totalitarian system, Kamenec
added.
Kamenec also commented on the fact
that Csatáry had settled in Hungary and managed to hide there
for another 15 years, saying that at the moment there is
“some kind of idealisation” of that country’s wartime regime.
He added that in several countries, including Hungary and
Slovakia, there have been attempts “to restore the [kind
of] regime that allowed Csatáry and people like him to violate
basic human rights”.
He referred in particular to the fact
that in Hungary several monuments to that country’s wartime
leader, Admiral Miklós Horthy, have recently been erected.
Hunting the criminal
The Simon Wiesenthal Center first
informed the Hungarian authorities of Csatáry’s address in
September last year, after receiving an anonymous tip-off
for which they reportedly paid $25,000. The campaign to bring
remaining Nazi war criminals to justice by offering financial
rewards for information leading to their arrest and conviction,
known as Operation Last Chance, was launched in July 2002,
according to the campaign’s official website.
“First, if we had not given the information
to prosecutors, and if we had not publicised the case I am
very doubtful whether Csatáry would ever face justice,” Zuroff
told The Slovak Spectator.
He said he considers the detention
of Csatáry to be a very important step since “it sends a
message that if you commit crimes, like the crimes of the
Holocaust, even many years later you can still be brought
to justice”.
Csatáry’s ability to avoid justice
for so long is exceptional, said Pavol Sitár, deputy chair
of the Federation of Jewish Communities in Slovakia (ÚZŽNO).
He added that Csatáry should realise he will not now escape
punishment as he did after the war.
“He deserves the troubles he has and
deserves also the uncertainty [hanging] over the rest of
his life,” Sitár told The Slovak Spectator.
Csatáry is currently waiting for formal
charges to be laid by the Hungarian prosecutor’s office.
He claims that he is innocent and that he only took orders
from his superiors. His lawyer Gábor Horváth even claimed
that the witnesses could have mistaken him for someone else
since they often referred to “a man in black uniform”, something
which was normally worn only by German and not Hungarian
police officers, the TASR newswire wrote.
Kamenec stressed that several war
criminals recited the same explanations before the Nuremberg
trials, which dealt with the most prominent representatives
of Nazi Germany.
“An order is one thing, but the other
is this surplus labour he was doing,” the historian added,
referring to the cruelty described by the witnesses in 1948.
Slovaks seeks Csatáry’s extradition
The first to ask for the extradition
of Csatáry to Slovakia was the Jewish community.
“The witnesses live in Slovakia; there
are actually none in Hungary,” said Igor Rintel, chair of
Slovakia’s Central Union of Jewish Communities (ÚZŽNO), as
quoted by TASR.
Moreover, it was Czechoslovakia whose
courts sentenced Csatáry to death in absentia in 1948, thus
“there is a bigger supposition that justice will be finished
in real time in the Slovak Republic”.
Rintel added that though most of the
witnesses are of an advanced age, justice in Csatáry’s case
should be done at least symbolically, as the crimes against
humanity that he committed are not subject to any statute
of limitations, TASR wrote.
If Slovakia wants to seek Csatáry’s
extradition, the court which passed the original verdict
has to issue a European arrest warrant. To issue a warrant,
the authorities need to send the relevant documentation,
including the whole file describing the investigation, testimony
and verdict from 1948.
Though it at first seemed that the
original verdict had gone missing, the Slovakia’s Nation’s
Memory Institute (ÚPN) announced on July 25 that it has a
copy in its archives.
Asked whether he believes Csatáry
will really stand trial, Kamenec said that everything depends
on his extradition to Slovakia. Hungary will have to start
a completely new investigation, while in Slovakia the documentation
from 1948 already exists, he stressed.
Moreover, he assumes that “in Hungary
they will try to prolong [the investigation] and will wait
for the natural death of this person”, adding that there
something similar had happened in other cases involving war
criminals. spectator.sme.sk
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