The
article “The Holocaust in Lithuania: One Man’s Crusade Seeking
Justice” that appeared on the CNN website accused Lithuania
and Lithuanians of avoiding judgment and condemnation of
the Holocaust in a fitting manner. Although the CNN audience
is influential, multi-million, there was no appropriate reaction
to the publication in Lithuania.
This situation causes double vision: either everything in the article was said
correctly, Lithuanians agree with everything and have nothing
more to add, or compatriots remain frightened and repressed
homo-sovieticus who, although they don’t agree with the
other position and arguments, nourish revenge in the secret
depths of their heart.
With the civilized world watching,
the accusations hurled on the CNN website are grave, so
they must be reacted to seriously. The country’s president,
Government, other institutions and society should make
the appropriate conclusions. It’s bad that the accusations
aired on the CNN webpage are partially true, but partially
exaggerated or simply made up. This situation creates a
kind of emotional bomb aimed at Lithuania and Lithuanians.
The average European or American will not look too deeply
into the details of the charges and will take a general
view. The details personified so emotionally in the publication
will simply reinforce or confirm a negative view of Lithuania
in his consciousness. It can’t be rejected that that was
exactly what certain interests were seeking.
It is clear that over 20 years
of independence Lithuania has pursued World War II war
criminals who carried out genocide in a sparse manner.
Investigations by prosecutors and trials were in many cases
rather formal, without reaching the essence. Sometimes
it was even similar to legal sabotage. Responsibility for
that falls to the prosecution: former and current leaders
[chief prosecutors?]. And also to politicians who were
primarily responsible for the work of state institutions.
The problem was exacerbated as
well by lack of timely desovietization and half-hearted
lustration in the country which allowed legal nihilism
to flourish. Perhaps the most tragicomic example of legal
nihilism in Lithuania is that there exists in the country
the Genocide Victims Museum and the Center for the Study
of Genocide and Resistance, who propagate the theory that
the government of the USSR exterminated Lithuanians on
a national/ethnic basis, while at the same time a judge
sits on the Constitutional Court who, during the Sajudis
[movement for Lithuanian independence from the Soviet Union]
period, defended her dissertation in Moscow which turns
this theory in principle upside down.
On the other hand, Efraim Zuroff’s
charge that Lithuania “has not accepted responsibility
for the Holocaust collectively.” The statement is offensive
in three ways: 1) he wants to push Lithuania back into
the times of barbarism when individual punishments were
meted out collectively; 2) Israel and Zuroff, I believe,
well know of president Algirdas Brazauskas’s apology to
all Jews for the Holocaust that took place on Lithuanian
territory and the participation of individual Lithuanians
in it. 3) what kind of collective regret by Lithuania can
be spoken of, since during the Holocaust there was no Lithuanian
state: no government and no other institutions of statehood.
Therefore neither was there political will by Lithuanians.
Lithuania was occupied by the Soviets, then later by the
Nazis.
In the years 1941-9144 she was
an occupied territory of the Third Reich. Nazi German officials
exclusively made all binding decisions. Nazi Germany also
organized and carried out the Holocaust: her government,
military, administration and local helpers – several thousand
Lithuanians, who also did not serve Lithuania, they served
the “thousand-year” Reich. Its interests, policy and ideology.
Despite that, the Holocaust was
and remains Lithuania’s tragedy as well, because it was
carried out on her territory. Lithuania lost 7 percent
of her residents due to the shoa policy. The loss deeply
changed the country: it impoverished it culturally, intellectually.
It reduced prospects for progress. But when speaking about
responsibility for the Holocaust in Lithuania, we can only
talk about specific criminals, their numbers and their
crimes. But in no way can [talk] about the nation, society,
the country. The Lithuanian state and Lithuanians in the
broader sense are not connected with the Holocaust ideology,
nor with its organization or execution, in any way.
It’s unfair to compare Lithuania
with Germany. [It’s unfair] To argue that the Germans have
paid billions for the genocide of the Jews. The Nazis,
who seized the largest state in continental Europe in 1933,
made the Holocaust part of industry. A profitable branch,
which profited the enterprises of some other countries
as well as the Third Reich. This didn’t happen in Lithuania
and it couldn’t have, because there was neither a state
nor a government.
But complaints about the exhibits
of the Genocide Victims Museum in Vilnius are accurate
and balanced. Sadly, this is a kind of proof of the two-faced
morality and macular degeneration of the current Lithuanian
political elite. Like the attempts to compare or equate
the Holocaust with the crimes of the Soviet regime in Lithuania
or even to vindicate Lithuanians in a strange manner through
[the Soviet crimes].
Such a position leads to an ethical
dead end and heavily warps the general picture. It forms
dangerous ideological simulacra and hallucinations in unenlightened
minds. It fuels different phobias and insinuations in [a]
culturally and politically immature and morally indifferent
society. This viewpoint comes to us from the Lithuania
of Sajudis, when it was rather popular to use the so-called
“double genocide” theory to argue that the shoa in Lithuania
was merely a response to the Soviet terror of 1940-1941.
This ideological vestige needs to be thrown out as quickly
as possible.
That the state institution in
the center of Vilnius called the Genocide Victims Museum
has ignored the Holocaust right up to the present appears
rather surreal. How can the Genocide Museum, established
in a city that lost about 40 percent of its residents during
WWII and even one of its three titular ethnicities, not
include among its exhibits the facts of this loss? Good
sense finds this difficult to understand. It is strange
that this fact hasn’t been noticed by anyone in Lithuania
up to the present time: beginning with leaders of the state
and their advisors, Parliament, members of the government
and ending with intellectuals.
It is this pitiful policy that
arouses scandals in the world today, allowing Lithuanians
to be branded Jew-shooters. If we don’t respect ourselves,
why should others? What will a Lithuanian feel and what
will the world think about Lithuania if the “error” in
the Genocide Victim Museum exhibits is only corrected after
the degrading publication on the CNN website? What are
we: a state or just a territory, free citizens or just
tenants on some land, governed by the thoughts of foreigners?
Considerations heard in Lithuania’s
public space to the effect that perhaps it is now time
to put a full stop [period] at the end of the Jew-shooters
topic also give rise to mixed thoughts. I can’t imagine
how it is possible to finally explain everything in one
or another area of history and then make some mystical
full stop. I don’t even believe that the criminal code
amendments recently approved by Parliament on interpretations
of modern Lithuanian history will set down some positive
full stop in the development of the science of history.
After all, based on common sense
and logic, now all nostrifications [acceptance?] for dissertations
whose contents or conclusions violate this law must now
be immediately rescinded. And that means the social status
of some people must change with all the ensuing consequences
of that. But that won’t happen. That means it will be possible
to continue to quote from those dissertations, to make
use of their “moral value” in other texts or in applying
for jobs. So why, then, are there these laws, which don’t
work, but do further degrade the already poor understanding
of [human, legal] rights among citizens?
We live in times of relativism,
in a post-modern global world. And therefore Lithuanians
will ponder and argue for a long time to come what happened
in June of 1940 or from 1941 to 1944 in Lithuania, how
it happened and why it happened. Why did one part of Lithuanian
society willingly join the Communist Party, welcome Soviet
tanks with flowers or speeches on June 15, 1940, in Kaunas,
while another part of Lithuanian society in the same city
later send flowers and words of gratitude to occupiers
from the West?
Why did the professors of Vytautas
Magnus University (rector Gravrogkas, secretary Grinius,
deacons Brizgyz, Kairys, Ivinskis, etc.) in spring of 1942,
when the scope and results of the Holocaust in Lithuania
were already clear to everyone, still prostitute themselves
in their worry over the fate of the university with the
Nazis, appealing to “the friendly and total support of
the Lithuanian society” to the Nazis in summer of 1941,
or reminding them that “the Lithuanian nation supports
the march of the German military in the East with all its
material resources and the blood of its volunteers”? What
does this kind of “diplomacy” signify: the extremist ethical
conformity of Lithuanians, the desire to adapt and survive
at any cost, or, in fact, a certain moral sinkhole and
spiritual idolatry?
It is a little strange that Lithuania,
which has special research centers, has still been unable
to sufferably investigate the topic of so-called Jew-shooters.
It appears that there is not a single monograph or dissertation
in Lithuania that dispassionately and convincingly analyzes
even the problem of the infamous Lithuanian self-defense
battalions. Their personnel, social composition, their
“marches” in Lithuania, Belarus and Russia have been researched.
How many people participated in executions, how many filled
auxiliary roles, did society support them?
But special lists of Jew-shooters
in Lithuania are hardly needed. There’s no need to turn
history into an ideological stage show or a show trial.
Lists of Jew-shooters should only exist as parts or appendices
of this or that (dissertation) monograph. But not like
some separate, self-confirming, exotic reversed Star of
David, intended for marking Lithuanians who betrayed humanity.
As far as I know, the French, Czechs, Croats, Serbs, Estonians,
Austrian and Germans do not have such lists.
I even more strongly don’t believe
that our institutions should blindly grasp at the list
made famous in Israel with the idea “to once and for all
investigate the lists of Lithuanian Jew-shooters which
allow some to draw the conclusion that almost the entire
nation approved or participated in Jew-shooting.” The philosophy/mehtodology
of this kind of “investigation” will bear the expected
fruit and will not invalidate Jew-shooting by Lithuanians.
Because a priori this “methodology” supposes that it must
deny something.
Considering it more broadly, it is clear that the moral
quality and values of our society today, unfortunately,
do not allow forgetting the topic of Jew-shooters. Lithuanian
society is still not ready for this. We still understand
the problem of the shoa in Lithuania in a too-primitive
manner. The mass murder of Jews in Lithuania has still
not been thought through and considered, has not became
part of us and has not become [our sense of] repentance.
We don’t need special investigations or to read many
thick books to make sure of this. It is sufficient to
stroll among the old, overgrown graves in the Jewish
cemeteries or the sites of execution anywhere in Zemaitija,
in Tryskai, in Zagare, or to speak for a while with the
people [there].
It has to be said that Lithuanians
in the 21st century are modernizing more slowly than was
expected. Roughly the same portion of Lithuanian society
who say that “Landsbergis destroyed the collective farms”
believe in “the ever-present Jewish conspiracy,” and in
[dark] corners [will] say that Jews are evil, that “they
got what they deserved” during the Nazi occupation because
“they were Communists,” they met Russian tanks with flowers,
“they deported us.” At private parties, after two or three
glasses of whiskey, even some directors of prestigious
Vilnius schools talk like this. And it’s not strange that
there are one or two history teachers who think like this.
What is strange is that fellow party-goers are completely
unsurprised by this, and eagerly philosophize on this theme
until midnight.
In other words, the popular slogan
in Tsarist times, “bey zhydov spasay Rossiyu,” is in a
certain sense still gaining momentum in Lithuania. Recently
I had the opportunity to speak tête-à-tête with a reporter
from one Russian newspaper. The attractive woman passionately
and sincerely argued that Jews did the revolution in Russia,
that Lenin’s “roots” and those of the entire party leadership
were Jewish, and that Lenin simply “hated Russia and Russians.”
Read: the crimes of Communism against nations, personalities
and religions are also the handiwork of the Chosen People.
The causes of [reasons for] anti-Semitism
in Lithuania are diverse: cultural, religious, personal,
economic, ideological. But Lithuanians can’t claim the
“honor” of being the inventors of anti-Semitism. Historical
sources show that Jews were first subject to persecution
in Christian civilization in England in the 13th century.
The English were the first to accuse the Jews of ritual
murder and desecration of the host.
In the 14th-16th centuries this
trend became popular in Spain, France and the German lands.
Poland learned about the Jewish “damage” in the 15th century,
and Lithuania in the 16th century. But anti-Semitism did
not become popular in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. The
Encyclopedia Judaica over the entire history of the Lithuanian
Grand Duchy presents barely one case, of a Jewish man accused
of ritual murder. That there was no great religio-social
or cultural anti-Semitism in the Grand Duchy is also shown
by the fact that Jews often appear as witnesses or accusers
rather than as the accused in early witch trials, unlike
in most Western states.
Of course that doesn’t mean that
Old Lithuania had no anti-Semitism. Just as today, back
then intellectuals were primary propagators of all sorts
of negative “modernisms.” Social critic Mykolas Lietuvis
liked to bad-mouth Jews in the 16th century. And the first
rector of Vilnius University, Jesuit Petras Skarga also
[bad-mouthed Jews]. University students liked to go berserk
in the homes of rich Jews or in [Jewish] shops. Pogroms
increased dramatically after good marks at the tavern [?]
during student holidays [not vacations, but special celebration
days for students, apparently].
Ancient Lithuanian ethnic tolerance needs to be seen less
as some sort of special spiritual mystical feature of
the Lithuanian ethnos, which is often claimed although
no one can describe it, and more with the world-view
and policies of the Lithuanian ruling elite. Jewish merchants,
craftsmen or woodcarvers [?] were politically the least
threatening and cheapest, hardiest and most-easily accessed
instrument for the modernization of the society/state,
for the young state ruled by Lithuanians stretching to
the East, as far back as the times of Gediminas and Vytautas.
This tradition took firm hold for the entire Lithuanian
dynasty. Thus the last Jagelloid Zygmunt [Zygimantas]
Augustus was wont to tell Catholics, Protestants, Eastern
Orthodox and Jews “I am not the king of your souls...”
This tradition was also taken
over after February 16, 1918 [proclamation of first Lithuanian
Republic] when Litvak Jews with wide contacts in Europe,
the USA and Russia became necessary to the Lithuanian political
elite first in establishing state borders, receiving recognition
abroad and in the struggle for Vilnius and Klaipeda [Memel].It
was namely for these reasons and circumstances that some
Jewish figures were for some time included in governments,
and invited to diplomatic service or other high posts of
the state.
The power structure also quieted
open economic, and partially religious anti-Semitism during
periods of parliamentary democracy and the authoritarian
regime by a specific cultural policy, with the aid of censorship
or police. Sometimes by the authoritative word of president
Antanas Smetona, whom the local Jewish elite often simply
called “our father,” while fascistic Lithuanian nationalists
called him “the Jew-boys’ president.”
But, as later events showed, this
was not an effective solution to the problem. Bans did
not drive anti-Semitism from the souls of Lithuanians,
it just gutterized it. During the Nazi occupation the barrel
of Lithuanian anti-Semitism exploded and all that sewage
came gushing forth. At the first available opportunity
in full force, fully capacity and full horror. The racist
ideology of the Nazis only untied the hands of Lithuanians
in summer of 1941; their souls had erred to the “final
solution” in Lithuania long before.
To recap, the question of the
physical annihilation of the Jews on Lithuanian territory
during the Second World War remains controversial and with
many unknowns remaining. The topic was abandoned because
of the Soviet occupation and annexation. Until its very
downfall in 1991, the Soviet power structure tolerated
and even encouraged a quiet, soft anti-Semitism. On the
other hand, while the Soviet period in Lithuania was favorable
to the demographic curve of Lithuanians, it essentially
increased low-grade Lithuanian boosterism [Lithuanian-ness,
Lithuanian national identity]. A rather surrogate Lithuanian-ness
with ethno-Soviet nationalism, [sort of like] the former
dance and song ensemble Lietuva.
It is possible that Lithuania’s
present mental distancing from Western culture and civilization
was increased by those 200,000 Lithuanian Jews who went
to their graves too early in their Jerusalem of the North.
Who could’ve become, if not for the fault of our fellow
citizens, today’s Perlsteins, Arbit Blats or Romain Garries
of Lithuania. They could have helped us, but now they won’t.
And that means we will have to create our cultural memory,
national identity and commemorative policies in the 21st
century all by ourselves. But not just for ourselves.
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