It's unlikely that April 14 will
become a national holiday in Poland in the future, but I
have no doubt that this past Monday provided much cause for
jubilation in Warsaw. Sixty-three years is a long time to
wait for exoneration, but on this April 14, the Poles finally
received it - from none other than our own President Shimon
Peres. In a speech at the site of the Treblinka death camp,
where 875,000 Jews (most of them Polish), many of whom were
caught with the help of their neighbors, were murdered over
a 15-month period, the president of the State of Israel declared
that the tragedy that took place there "was not the fault of the Polish people."
There is in fact a kernel of truth to that statement, but anyone acquainted with
the history of the Holocaust in Poland knows very well that
such a presentation of events grossly misrepresents the historical
record. So while it is true that the Poles did not build
or run the death camps operated by the Nazis on their territory,
and that Poles − unlike Lithuanians, Latvians, Ukrainians,
Belarusians and Estonians − were never integrated into the
mass-murder machine that carried out the Final Solution,
numerous Poles bore a heavy share of responsibility for the
fate of Polish Jewry, approximately 90 percent of whom were
murdered during the Shoah.
In this respect, who can forget the
notorious Polish informers who helped the Nazis find Jews
in hiding, who were so numerous that they were even known
by a special name - shmaltzovniki? Or the many Jews murdered
by the Armia Krajowa (Home Army) underground, affiliated
with the Polish government-in-exile in London, which was
notorious for the refusal of many of its units to accept
Jews into their ranks, in better cases, and for murdering
them, in worse ones. And then there were the Polish killers
of Jedwabne and other nearby towns, who were unwilling to
wait for the Nazis to transport their Jewish neighbors to
Treblinka, and so undertook to murder the Jews themselves.
In Jedwabne they did this by locking 1,600 of them in a barn,
which they then set on fire.
A typical case, one that can serve as a metaphor for Polish complicity in the
murder of Jews, is that of the Lernerfamily of Komarowka.
The episode came to light two years ago, in the wake of the
efforts of their grandson and nephew Roni of Tel Aviv to
find his family's remains and bring their killers to justice.
On October 30, 1943, Gitel Lerner, her daughters Miriam and
Chana, and her sons David, Zvi-Hershel and Chaim, as well
as two other Jews, were tortured and murdered in the village
of Przegaliny. Their killer was Jan Sadowski, who had agreed
to build them a hiding place, at their expense, in return
for a hefty monthly sum for rent and food. The Lerners, incidentally,
kept their part of the bargain, but the temptation to rob
them was apparently too great for Sadowski and his four accomplices.
Unfortunately such incidents were quite common in World War
II Poland.
Had the Poles been making a serious effort to honestly and courageously confront
their complicity in the Nazi war crimes, the damage caused
by Peres' distortion of the history of the Shoah in Poland
would not have been so significant. But Poland, like most
of its post-Communist
neighbors, has not been particularly zealous in uncovering
the crimes committed against Jews during the Holocaust, preferring
to concentrate on those carried out after World War II by
the Communists against Poles. Neither Poland nor its Baltic
neighbors have a problem commemorating Jews murdered during
the Shoah, but they lack virtually any political will to
identify and expose, let alone prosecute, those who did the
murdering. This serious failure helps to pave the way for
the cover-up of crimes by Poles and the presentation of a
guilt-free narrative of the history of World War II.
This phenomenon, which is prevalent
to varying degrees throughout post-Communist Eastern Europe,
worsens as the passage of time reduces the opportunities
to bring previously unprosecuted criminals to justice. (In
Poland, for example, only one such perpetrator has been prosecuted
and punished since 1989.) Soon there will be no one left
to put on trial, which will make it even easier to cast the
entire blame for the murders on the Germans and Austrians.
They were indeed the primary guilty parties, but that fact
should not free their local collaborators of responsibility
for their crimes, or their societies of the necessity to
tell the truth and confront the often widespread complicity
of locals in the mass murder of the Jews.
In recent years, the phenomenon of
Holocaust denial has gained widespread public attention,
and aroused sometimes-hysterical reactions. And while it
is understandable that the attempts to claim that the Shoah
never took place should prompt genuine concern, the truth
is that, at least at this point, it hardly poses any serious
danger to Holocaust memory and has had little success in
arousing anti-Semitism, which is its real goal. On the other
hand, the growing manifestations of the deflection of Holocaust
guilt and/or attempts to distort its history, problems that
have received almost no serious attention in the Jewish world
or elsewhere, constitute a serious danger. Distortion of
the record can cause irreparable harm to the memory of the
Holocaust, and prevent the creation of a solid and genuine
basis for true reconciliation between the Jewish people and
the peoples of post-Communist Eastern Europe.
It is for this reason that President
Peres' blanket dismissal of Polish guilt is so unfortunate
and mistaken. More than anything else, it will strengthen
the contemporary Polish tendency to ignore the role of individual
Poles in Holocaust crimes and provide convincing ammunition
for all those seeking to whitewash Polish complicity. After
all, if the president of Israel absolves the Poles, how can
anyone even think that some of them might be guilty? In that
respect Peres provided the Poles with the ultimate exoneration.
haaretz.com
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