If the ultranationalists become the main opposition in Hungary, it is unlikely
Sandor Kepiro will ever be brought to justice
This Sunday, Hungarians will vote in a national election that according to all
the polls will result in a change of power. After eight years of
rule by the Hungarian Socialist party, it appears that the conservative
opposition party Fidesz (Alliance of Free Democrats) will be taking
over, apparently by a wide margin. With their victory a foregone
conclusion, the most important question facing the Hungarian electorate
is the fate of the relatively new extreme rightwing party Jobbik,
which until now has not been represented in the local parliament,
but won several seats in the last elections for the European parliament.
A strong showing by these ultranationalists, along with the possible
virtual disappearance of the Socialists, whose administration is
generally considered to have been a failure in most respects, would
make Jobbik the main opposition party with potentially very dangerous
consequences, especially for the country's minorities. Jews and,
in particular, the Roma have been the primary target of the party's
attacks since its establishment, both of whom were victimised by
the Nazis and their Hungarian collaborators – nostalgia for whom
is a strong component of Jobbik's message.
One of the persons who should be watching the elections with great
interest is an elderly former Hungarian gendarmerie officer, whose
legal fate might well be decided by Sunday's results. I am referring
to Dr Sandor Kepiro, who on the very same day will be named by
the Simon Wiesenthal Centre as number one on our new annual list
of the world's "most
wanted" Nazi war criminals, which is published on Yom Hashoa, Israel's Holocaust memorial
day.
Kepiro was one of the officers who organised the mass murder of at
least 1,200 civilians (mostly Jews, but also Serbs and Gypsies)
in the city of Novi Sad, then under Hungarian occupation, on 23
January 1942. On that day, the men under his command rounded up
hundreds of civilians in the centre of town, who were taken to
Sokolski Dom (a local theatre), where a committee of Hungarian
officers decided who would live and who would be sent to the nearby
banks of the Danube River, where they would be executed by teams
of Hungarian shooters.
The Kepiro case is very important for several reasons. First of all,
the facts regarding the massacre are not in dispute, and Kepiro
admits that he was in Novi Sad on that day in his capacity as an
officer. Second, he and his fellow officers were actually convicted
in Hungary in January 1944 in conjunction with the events in Novi
Sad (although not for murder but rather for violating their code
of honour), but had their convictions quashed and were given promotions
following the Nazi occupation of the country in March 1944.
One of the facts that emerged during that trial was that when Kepiro,
who was already a lawyer at the time, received his orders prior
to the roundups he asked for them in writing, as he obviously realised
they were immoral and hence illegal. The response was that such
orders were only transmitted verbally and Kepiro complied regardless,
making him, in my opinion, a "moral
monster of the Holocaust": a highly educated person who fully realised that what he was asked to do was
against the law but did so anyway. The fact he was an officer with
command responsibility and that his actions played a role in a
mass murder ,which took the lives of so many people (new research
claims that the number of victims was as high as 3,000, but this
figure has not yet been confirmed), are the factors that make Kepiro
our number-one suspect.
I found Kepiro living in Budapest in the summer of 2006. (He had
fled Hungary in 1945 and had lived in Argentina for 48 years, prior
to returning to the Hungarian capital unnoticed and undisturbed
by the authorities.) At that time, I was fairly confident he would
be prosecuted shortly after for his crimes. Contrary to my expectations,
however, that has not yet happened. Initially, I asked that his
original sentence be implemented, but six months later I was informed
that since a Hungarian court had officially cancelled his conviction,
that could not be done. Instead, a new investigation against him
was initiated in February 2007 and has yielded considerable incriminating
evidence.
So why is he still a free man? One possible explanation is that the
authorities hoped he would die and spare them the trouble and embarrassment
of a trial which would highlight Hungarian complicity in Holocaust
crimes; but Kepiro was uncooperative in that respect and even at
the advanced age of 95, he is in relatively good health and has
on numerous occasions given media interviews.
Since he is still very much alive, it boils down to politics, which
is why Kepiro will no doubt be watching the election results very
carefully. Our experience has shown that very often leftwing governments,
which are generally much more anti-fascist than their conservative
opponents, are afraid to prosecute Holocaust perpetrators for political
reasons, whereas the latter, whose nationalist credentials are
much stronger, are not afraid to do so and in fact have much to
gain in this respect, since the prosecution of a local Nazi war
criminal strengthens their credibility on human rights.
Under these circumstances, Kepiro's fate will most likely be linked
to that of Jobbik. If the ultranationalists become the main opposition
party, it will be hard for a Fidesz government to put Kepiro on
trial. If they do not have to worry about Jobbik's reaction, it
is likely that Kepiro will finally be held accountable for his
role in the massacre in Novi Sad. A case like his should not, of
course, be dependant on politics, and the Hungarians will no doubt
proclaim the independence of their judiciary – but the facts speak
for themselves, not only in Hungary but all over the world. At
this point in time, it is political will that will probably be
the key factor in determining how many, if any, of the criminals
on our most wanted list will ever be brought to trial.
guardian.co.uk
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